A república que tivemos e que temos é a dos sonhos dos brasileiros​

are these the benchmarks questions?

1) the taiping rebellion was prompted from 1850-1864 and waged against the ruling of machu qing dynasty. the rebellion was caused by hong xiuquan and class differences, later leading to a radical change in social and economic structure.

3) karl marx, a believer of the principle of socialism, believed that the working class would have to free themselves from the exploitation of industrialists by establishing a radical socialist classless society where all industries and   property are owned by the state.

5) as indians revolt gained power, people found additional reasons to protest against the british rule. princely families joined the uprising due to changes to the inheritance law which made adopted children ineligible to assume the throne. this was an attempt by the british to control royal succession in the princely states that were nominally independent from the british.

ayatollah khomeini can best be described as the leader who declared iran to be an islamic republic.

in the united states, the president is controlled by the

constitution, and in all respects subordinate to it. insofar

as it deals with presidential power, however, the american

constitution has proved to be a highly malleable document.

with very few exceptions,' the constitutional provisions relating to the president have not been changed at all since

they were ratified in 1787. but in the late twentieth century, those provisions do not mean what they meant in

1787. the constitution is a legal document, and it is enforced judicially; but its meaning was hardly fixed when it

was ratified. in particular, the contemporary president has

far broader powers than the original constitution contemplated. it is remarkable but true that large-scale changes in

the authority of the president have been brought about

without changes in the constitutional text, but nevertheless

without significant illegality.

this is a paradox. is it not clear that constitutional

changes, if not textual, are illegal? the paradox has considerable relevance to our current thinking about the presidency in particular and about constitutionalism in general.

perhaps the framers of the american constitution feared

legislative power most of all; 2 but from well-known events

in the twentieth century, it is possible to conclude that it is

presidential power that holds out the greatest risks to both

liberty and democracy. the president is by far the most visible leader in the nation; he is often the only person in government with a national constituency. moreover, he is