"when information is withheld, ignorance becomes a reasonable excuse; and one would charitably hope that the people of
england do not encourage cruelty from choice but from they see not, therefore they feel not. they tell the tale that is
told them and believe it, and accustomed to no other news than their own, they receive it, stripped of its horrors and prepared
for the palate of the nation, through the channel of the london gazette. they are made to believe that their generals and armies
differ from those of other nations, and have nothing of rudeness or barbarity in them. they feel a disgrace in thinking
otherwise, and naturally encourage the belief from a partiality to themselves. there was a time when i felt the same prejudices,
and reasoned from the same errors; but experience, sad and painful experience, has taught me better. what the conduct of
former armies was, i know not, but what the conduct of the present is, i well know. it is low, cruel, indolent and profligate; and
had the people of america no other cause for separation than what the army has occasioned, that alone is cause sufficient."
- thomas paine, the crisis, november 21, 1778
es
in this section of the crisis, paine is suggesting that
ordinary people in england want the war to end.
b)
ordinary people in england are the reason the colonies are losing the war.
the british people are not being told of the crown's treatment of the
colonies.
the british people are to blame for allowing their king to wage war on
america

in the united states, the president is controlled by the

constitution, and in all respects subordinate to it. insofar

as it deals with presidential power, however, the american

constitution has proved to be a highly malleable document.

with very few exceptions,' the constitutional provisions relating to the president have not been changed at all since

they were ratified in 1787. but in the late twentieth century, those provisions do not mean what they meant in

1787. the constitution is a legal document, and it is enforced judicially; but its meaning was hardly fixed when it

was ratified. in particular, the contemporary president has

far broader powers than the original constitution contemplated. it is remarkable but true that large-scale changes in

the authority of the president have been brought about

without changes in the constitutional text, but nevertheless

without significant illegality.

this is a paradox. is it not clear that constitutional

changes, if not textual, are illegal? the paradox has considerable relevance to our current thinking about the presidency in particular and about constitutionalism in general.

perhaps the framers of the american constitution feared

legislative power most of all; 2 but from well-known events

in the twentieth century, it is possible to conclude that it is

presidential power that holds out the greatest risks to both

liberty and democracy. the president is by far the most visible leader in the nation; he is often the only person in government with a national constituency. moreover, he is

the conservative movement opposed the women´s suffrage like josephine jewell dodge comanding the national association opposed to woman suffrage.