People learn when they see contrasts," he says. "If itâs white, you donât see it. If itâs black, you donât see it. Itâs when you see the whole painting that there is some contrast."
Similarly, Goldstein believes that voters have the ability to intelligently weigh competing claims.
"With negative ads in particular, campaigns have to be very careful about the claims they make because the press puts much more scrutiny on the negative ads," he says. "If you get an outrageous one, that tends to boomerang on a campaign. You certainly can pick out political ads that honorable people believe have gone over the line, but I trust the people and the political marketplace to take care of that."
Goldstein directs the Wisconsin Advertising Project, which tracks and catalogs political ads and which was a major source of the data used in the book. He says negative ads are designed to teach, while positive ads many times are designed to play on votersâ emotions.
"Negative ads are more likely to be factually accurate than positive ads. Negative ads are more likely to be on policy than positive ads. Positive ads are a guy walking in khakis walking on the beach with his dog or sitting in front of a fireplace in a fuzzy sweater, and that simply doesnât have a lot of information," he says.
Goldsteinâs co-authors include Michael Franz, assistant professor of government and legal studies at Bowdoin College; Travis Ridout, assistant professor of political science at Washington State University; and Paul Freedman, associate professor of politics at the University of Virginia. Ridout and Franz earned their doctorates at UWâMadison.
Why does the American electorate pay attention to negative ads? Goldstein thinks the answer is fairly simple.
"Itâs for the same reason why when you heard there was a fight behind the school in the seventh grade, you went," Goldstein says. "Thereâs such a clutter of political information out there that the negative ad can have the potential to shine through."
Well-funded national campaigns have the ability to energize voters with the back-and-forth of negative ads, but can be hurt by failing to respond quickly to attacks. That was shown in 2004 when John Kerry was accused by an independent group called Swift Boat Veterans for Truth of inflating his own military record in Vietnam.
"There are many reasons why John Kerry lost in 2004. He didnât lose because he didnât have enough money â he actually out-advertised the Bush campaign," he says. "You can whine about the Swift Boat ad, but the reason it was effective was because the Kerry campaign didnât respond swiftly, and in fact responded about three years too late."
The authorsâ research shows that negative ads can prompt voters to become more informed on political issues.
"For those people who arenât getting information from the news, that ad can be a shortcut and cue to go out and search for other information," Goldstein says. "The 30-second kernel of a political ad isnât going to feed peopleâs political knowledge, but if it builds on knowledge they already have or if it encourages them to seek out information in other places, it can be effective."
What many of the contemporary critics of negative campaign advertising fail to recognize is that negative advertising is a tradition with deep roots in the American political system, he adds.
"To say that American politics, 50 years ago, 60 years ago, 100 years, or 200 years ago was this high-brow debate is just simply wrong," Goldstein says. "The Declaration of Independence is a negative ad, outlining a bunch of gripes we had with the British. The Lincoln-Douglas debates were negative politics. The major reason Abraham Lincoln did not use negative ads was that TV didnât exist. If it did exist, he would have."
Explanation:
Sorry if its long i m out of college im a 19 year old girl  now
